For some, these are theories that offer reflections on the proper functioning of democracy, on presuppositions, the role of information or the role of citizens for the proper functioning of democracy and the role of parties. On that basis, voters calculate the utility income of the different parties and then they look at and evaluate the partisan differential. Apart from the combined models, it can be thought that different models may explain differently according to historical moments and phases of a process of political alignment and misalignment just as models may better explain certain types of candidates or according to the profile and type of voters. endstream
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Several studies show that the impact of partisan identification varies greatly from one context to another. This is something that remains difficult in theory, we don't know how much the voter will discount. systematic voting, i.e. Elections and voters: a comparative introduction. This refers to the Michigan model, the psycho-sociological model. emotional ties between voters and parties; a phase of political misalignment (2), which may be the one we are currently in in Europe since the economic crisis, which is a weakening of partisan loyalties resulting in increased electoral volatility, i.e. On the other hand, women tend to have less stable partisan identification, they change more often too. The idea is to create a party that forges ideologies and partisan identities. 0000010337 00000 n
This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. Comparative Political Studies, 27(2), 155189. Several studies have shown that the very fact of voting for a party contributes to the development of a certain identification for that party. Prospective voting is based on election promises and retrospective voting is based on past performance. Economic theories of voting explain both voter turnout (1) and electoral choice (2). This is a fairly reasonable development, as is the discounting model, whose proximity was something reasonable and which makes the model more consistent with reality. These criticisms and limitations are related to the original model. More specifically, the costs that the voter has to take into account according to the different parties and candidates must be evaluated, which is the partisan differential, i.e. The idea is that it is in circles of interpersonal relations even if more modern theories of opinion leaders look at actors outside the personal circle. There has been the whole emergence of the rational actor, which is the vote in relation to issues, which is not something that comes simply from our affective identification with a party, but there is a whole reflection that the voter makes in terms of cost-benefit calculations. This ensures congruence and proximity between the party and the electorate. 0000000929 00000 n
In this case, there may be other factors that can contribute to the voter choice; and all parties that are on the other side of the neutral point minimize the voter's utility, so the voter will not vote for that party all other things being equal. The aspect is based on the idea that there is an information problem that represents a difficulty and costs that voters must pay to gather information and to become informed about an election. Google Scholar. The heterogeneity of the electorate and voters must be taken into account. The psycho-sociological model says that it is because this inking allows identification with a party which in turn influences political attitudes and therefore predispositions with regard to a given object, with regard to the candidate or the party, and this is what ultimately influences the vote. The premise of prospective voting is too demanding for most voters. There has also been the emergence of empirical criticisms which have shown that the role of partisan identification has tended to decrease sharply and therefore an increase in the role of the issues and in particular the role of the cognitive evaluation that the actors make in relation to certain issues. Contenu disponible en Franais Contenido disponible en espaol Contenuto disponibile in italiano, The distinction between the three main explanatory models of voting is often found. Proximity models will give certain proximity related answers and the other more recent models offer an alternative answer based on certain criticisms. how does partisan identification develop? This approach has often been criticized as a static approach since socio-economic or even socio-demographic characteristics do not change in the short term and yet the vote increasingly changes in the short term, what is called in electoral volatility, i.e. 0000001213 00000 n
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In other words, they propose something quite ecumenical that combines directional and proximity models. The law of curvilinear disparity takes up this distinction. With regard to the limits, methodological individualism has often been evoked, saying that it is an exclusively micro-sociological perspective that neglects the effect of social structure. However, we see that this is not always true and that there are parties that propose more extreme policies that receive considerable electoral support. This is also known as the Columbia model. This table shows that for quite some time now there has been a strong decline in partisan identification. Most voters have a sense of allegiance to a party that is inherited through the family. Hence the creation of the political predisposition index which should measure and capture the role of social insertion or position in explaining electoral choice. How does partisan identification develop? The problem of information is crucial in the spatial theories of voting and who would need an answer to fully understand these different theories. Finally, some studies show that high levels of education lead to weaker attachments to parties. The choice of candidates is made both according to direction but also according to the intensity of positions on a given issue. There are also intermediate variables that relate to loyalties to a certain group or sense of belonging. For example, a strongly conservative voter who votes Democratic may vote Republican because he or she feels more in tune with the party. Political parties can make choices that are not choices to maximize the electorate, unlike spatial theories, where parties seek to maximize their short-term electoral support in an election. On the basis of this, we can know. That is what is called the proximity vote, that is, having a preference over a policy. WebThe Columbia Studies The modern history of academic voting research began in 1940 at Columbia University, where a team of social scientists assembled by Paul Lazarsfeld 0000008661 00000 n
The basic idea is somewhat the same, namely that it is a way that voters have at their disposal, a euristic and cognitive shortcut that voters have at their disposal to deal with the problem of complex information. [15] Then we'll look at the space theories of the vote. Thus, voters will vote for candidates who are in the direction (1) and who are going in that direction in the most intense way (2), that is, who propose policies going in that direction in the strongest and most intense way. A rather subjective and almost sentimental citizen is placed at the centre of the analysis. Q. According to them, it is necessary to combine different types of explanations and in particular, in the electoral choice, the components related to proximity, leadership, and also the rather "intensity" leadership, all of which play a significant role in the positioning of candidates and parties. In Personality traits and party identification over time published in 2014 by Bakker, Hopmann and Persson, the authors attempt to explain partisan identification. Discounting is saying that the voter does not fully believe what the parties say. Rationalist theories and spatial models of the vote have had the very beneficial relationship of putting precisely the free choice of voters at the centre of analyses. The Lazarsfeld model would link membership and voting. The predictions are driven by a random forest classification model that has been tuned and trained on 71 distinct county-level attributes. In short, it is an explanatory model that emphasizes the role of political attitudes. One of the merits, which can be found in Lazarsfeld's book entitled The People's Choice published in 1944 is that this model marks a turning point in the study of political behaviour. Webgain. changes in voting behaviour from one election to the next. Voting is an instrument that serves us to achieve an objective. The economic model has put the rational and free citizen back at the centre of attention and reflection, whereas if we push the sociological model a bit to the extreme, it puts in second place this freedom and this free will that voters can make since the psycho-sociological model tells us that voting is determined by social position, it is not really an electoral choice that we make in the end but it is simply the result of our social insertion or our attachment to a party. The advantage of the intensity directional model is that it goes in a more intense direction, i.e. [8][9], The second very important model is the psycho-sociological model, also known as the partisan identification model or Michigan School model, developed by Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes in Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes, among others in The American Voter published in 1960. On the other hand, the political preferences are exogenous to the political process which is the fact that when the voter goes to vote which is the moment when he or she starts to think about this election, he or she already arrives with certain fixed or prefixed political preferences. The first question is how to assess the position of the different parties and candidates, since we start from the idea of projecting voters' political preferences and party projections onto a map. The behavior results either in support for political candidates or parties or abstention from the voting process. It was this model that proposed that abstention can be the result of a purely rational calculation. The second question is according to which criteria to determine the individual utility of voters. We must also, and above all, look at the links between types of factors. The reference work is The Peoples Choice published in 1948 by Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet. The idea is that each voter can be represented by a point in a hypothetical space and this space can be a space with N dimensions and each dimension represents an election campaign issue, so that this point reflects his or her ideal set of policies, i.e. It's believed that the social class was the most accurate indicator of likely voting intention. The idea that one identifies oneself, that one has an attitude, an attachment to a party was certainly true some forty years ago and has become less and less true and also the explanatory power of this variable is less important today even if there are significant effects. This model predicts a convergence of party program positions around two distinct positions, there are two types of convergence. Since the idea is to calculate the costs and benefits of voting for one party rather than the other, therefore, each party brings us some utility income. In other words, a directional element is introduced into the proximity model. Since the economic crisis, there has been an increasing focus on the economic crisis and economic conditions and how that can explain electoral volatility and electoral change. Often, in Anglo-Saxon literature, this model is referred to as the party identification model. An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democracy. Journal of Political Economy, vol. The government is blamed for the poor state of the economy. An important factor is the role of political campaigns in influencing the vote. Originally proposed by political scientists, beginning with an In this perspective, voting is essentially a question of attachment, identity and loyalty to a party, whereas in the rationalist approach it is mainly a question of interest, cognition and rational reading of one's own needs and the adequacy of different political offers to one's needs. A distinction must be made between the affective vote of the psycho-sociological model and the cognitive vote of the theories of the economic model. According to Fiorina, retrospective voting is that citizens' preferences depend not only on how close they are to the political position of a party or candidate, but also on their retrospective assessment of the performance of the ruling party or candidate. Bakker, B. N., Hopmann, D. N., & Persson, M. (2014). We have seen that at Downs, the role of ideology is fundamental and that ideology could function as a kind of shortcut. Webbehavior covers a large range of possible subjects of research, from the behaviors of bureaucrats and interest groups to the dealings of political terrorists. Below we evaluate models that use these types of measures as well. Directional model with intensity: Rabinowitz, Four possible answers to the question of how voters decide to vote, Unified Voting Model: Merrill and Grofman, Responses to criticisms of the proximity model, Partisan Competition Theory: Przeworski and Sprague, Relationship between voting explanatory models and realignment cycle. The Michigan model was based on the idea of socialization and partisan identification as a long-term attachment to a party that is the result of primary socialization in particular, and therefore as insertion into a given social context. Positioning on a left-right scale is related to this type of theory. WebThis article develops and tests a model of voter behavior in a primary election. This is also known as the Columbia model. To study the expansion of due process rights. What are the criteria for determining the individual usefulness of voters? We need to find identification measures adapted to the European context, which the researchers have done. Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. The answer to this second question will allow us to differentiate between proximity models and directional models because these two subsets of the spatial theories of voting give diametrically opposite answers to this question. We leave behind the idea of spatial theories that preferences are exogenous, that they are pre-existing and almost fixed. Basically, Downs was wrong to talk about proximity logic and to explain some of the exceptions to the proximity model. 0000006260 00000 n
There is also a literature on whether certain parties have certain issues, which voters believe are the parties that are better able to deal with a certain issue. In the psychological approach, the information problem is circumvented by the idea of the development of partisan identification, which is an emotional shortcut that voters operate. WebThe politics of Colombia take place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Colombia is both head of state and head of government, A distinction is often made between two types of voters and votes between the: There are these two types and a whole literature on the different types of euristics that can be set up. There are three actors at play in this theory: there are voters, candidates, and an intermediate group represented by activists who are in fact voters who become activists going to exercise "voice". It is also possible to add that the weight of partisan identification varies from one voter to another. Of course, there have been attempts to assess the explanatory power of directional models, but according to these researchers, these spatial models were designed to be purely theoretical in order to highlight on a purely theoretical level what motivations voters may have for their electoral choice. "i.e., if it is proximity, it is 'yes', otherwise it is 'no' and therefore directional; 'are the preferences of the actors exogenous? The initial formation of this model was very deterministic in wanting to focus on the role of social inclusion while neglecting other aspects, even though today there is increasingly a kind of ecumenical attempt to have an explanation that takes into account different aspects. The influence of friends refers to opinion leaders and circles of friends. One can draw a kind of parallel with a loss of importance of the strength of partisan identification and also of the explanatory power of partisan identification. For Fiorina, the retrospective vote is the fact that current policy is fundamental, whereas in the prospective vote it is less so. There are several reasons that the authors of these directional models cite to explain this choice of direction with intensity rather than a choice of proximity as proposed by Downs. Hirschman contrasts the "exit" strategy with the "voice" strategy, which is based on what he calls "loyalty", which is that one can choose not to leave but to make the organization change, to restore the balance between one's own aspirations and what the organization can offer. Many researchers have criticised the Downs proximity model in particular. Expectedly, in their function $2.75. The image that an individual has of himself in this perspective is also the result of this identification. He wanted to look for one thing and found something else. The publication of The American Voter in 1960 revolutionized the study of American voting behavior. The role of the centrality of partisan identification has been criticized, especially today, because partisan identification plays a role that is still important but much less important than it used to be and may be much less important than some researchers within this paradigm have postulated. Fiorina also talks about partisan identification, that is to say that there is a possible convergence between these different theories. However, this is empirically incorrect. We often talk about economic theory of the vote in the broadest sense in order to designate a rationalist theory based on rational choice theory and spatial theories of the vote. those who inquire: they are willing to pay these costs. What the parties say the space theories of the exceptions to the proximity vote, is. 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